The light stick revolution

1. 1

   190 to 0. Hours after Yoon declared martial law on December 3, 2024, lawmakers voided the decree, with citizens at the National Assembly gates.

2. 2

   8 to 0. On April 4, 2025, the Constitutional Court removed Yoon; on June 3, Lee Jae-myung won the snap election.

3. 3

   1,700 organizations in a coalition that tracked the Parliament and Court calendar, alongside young women with K-pop light sticks, unions and farmers.

4. 4

   A street people wanted to come back to: light sticks, crowd-requested songs, an open stage with a rule against hate, food prepaid from afar.

5. 5

   The first hour stopped the decree; the Saturdays that followed, peaceful and welcoming, with one clear institutional demand, brought the removal.

Copy summary

If you're new to this, start with the fundamentals, from the vote goal to what the research says. Read the fundamentals

There was no single leader. Some people coordinated, others opened the stage or built the logistics; their accounts, and those of their organizations, underpin this playbook.

• Lee Ji-hyun (PSPD)

  Secretary-general of People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy; co-chair of the Emergency Action coalition

  Helped coordinate the coalition of about 1,700 groups and explained how the planning team used crowd-requested playlists, a pledge against hate speech and medical and legal support at the rallies.

  Sources

• Lee Ho-rim

  LGBTQ activist; co-chair of Emergency Action

  Pushed for a place for LGBTQ people in the coalition's leadership and described how the open stage changed between 2016 and 2024.

  Sources

• Seo Chae-wan

  Lawyer; co-head of Emergency Action's situation room

  Coordinated the calendar of actions in the final stretch and presented to the Constitutional Court the coalition's brief in favour of removal.

  Sources

• Park Seok-woon

  Representative of the Korea Progressive Alliance; member of the coalition's memory committee

  Called on people to concentrate in the square after Yoon's release in March 2025 and later helped create the movement's archive and white paper.

  Sources

• Kim Hu-ju (@향연 on X)

  Farmer and activist

  Posted the video of police boxing in the tractors at Namtaeryeong, viewed 4.8 million times, which brought thousands of young people to the pass overnight.

  Sources

• Ha Won-o (Jeonnong)

  Chair of the Korean Peasants League

  His organization led the tractor march that police blocked at Namtaeryeong; he described how young women's solidarity changed the relationship between farmers and the city.

  Sources

• Creator of the “시위도 밥먹고” map

  Anonymous citizen

  Built a nationwide map of cafés and restaurants with food prepaid for protesters, with each place's stock and hours, without ads or sponsorship.

  Sources

• Lee Jae-myung

  Opposition leader in 2024; president elected in 2025

  Livestreamed on YouTube his arrival at the Assembly, climbing over the wall surrounded by troops, and asked people to go there.

  Sources

• Woo Won-shik

  Speaker of the National Assembly in 2024

  Climbed a fence to get into the Assembly and immediately convened the plenary session that struck down martial law 190 to 0 at 1:02 a.m.

  Sources

What coordinators, farmers, activists and protesters said about their own work. Paraphrases, with short quotes where essential.

• Women in their 20s and 30s were already in the squares — after the Gangnam killing in 2016, in #MeToo and at Hyehwa in 2018 — but the press wasn't looking at them.

  Lee Ji-hyun (PSPD, Emergency Action), Kyunghyang Shinmun, “단도직입” interview (14 Jan 2025)

• The planning team received about 20,000 song requests and read out at every rally a pledge banning discriminatory speech against women, LGBTQ people, disabled people, young people and migrants.

  Lee Ji-hyun (PSPD, Emergency Action), Kyunghyang Shinmun, “단도직입” interview (14 Jan 2025)

• Civic groups have to adapt to forms of participation that are less group-centred: instead of asking why men are missing, invite them to build safe, joyful rallies.

  Lee Ji-hyun (PSPD, Emergency Action), Kyunghyang Shinmun, “단도직입” interview (14 Jan 2025)

• In 2016 she counted only two LGBTQ activists on stage; this time there were so many she lost count, with at least one LGBTQ person speaking at every weekday rally.

  Lee Ho-rim (Emergency Action), Ildaro, interview with Lee Ho-rim (12 Apr 2025)

On the night of 3 December 2024, Yoon Suk Yeol announced on TV a martial law that suspended political activity and controlled the press. Troops arrived by helicopter at the National Assembly. Citizens arrived before them or at the same time.

190–0

votes by lawmakers that annulled martial law in the early hours of 4 Dec 2024official

204

votes for impeachment on 14 Dec 2024 (200 of 300 were needed)official

61.1%

women among those present at the 14 Dec rally near the Assembly, according to mobile-phone population dataestimate

8–0

Constitutional Court votes for removal, on 4 Apr 2025official

From the night of martial law to the election, and after

1. 3–4 Dec 2024Yoon declares martial law. Lee Jae-myung livestreams as he climbs the Assembly wall; citizens face soldiers at the gate and a small group surrounds an armoured vehicle; inside, staff barricade the doors with furniture and use fire extinguishers against the soldiers. The lawmakers who manage to get in vote 190 to 0 against the decree; at around 4:30 a.m. the government lifts it.
2. 7 DecThe first impeachment vote fails: the ruling party boycotts and only 195 lawmakers vote. At the peak, almost 280,000 people are in Yeouido; women in their 20s are the largest group.
3. 11 DecAt Hyanglin Church, the Emergency Action coalition is born, for Yoon's immediate resignation and a great social reform, with more than 1,500 organizations.
4. 14 DecImpeachment passes with 204 votes. Peak of 417,837 people near the Assembly at 4 p.m.; according to the same analysis, 61.1% were women. Organizers count 2.3 million nationwide.
5. 21–22 DecPolice block the Peasants League's tractor march at Namtaeryeong. Young women called out on X spend the night with the farmers; after 28 hours, police open the road.
6. 3–15 Jan 2025The first attempt to arrest Yoon fails. Unions and citizens camp out near the residence; in the snow of 5 January, protesters in thermal blankets become the “Kisses”. On 15 January Yoon is arrested; on the 19th his supporters storm a court.
7. 8–15 MarA court cancels his detention and Yoon is released. The coalition moves to daily 7 p.m. marches, its leaders go on hunger strike and the 15th march draws about 1.1 million people, according to organizers.
8. 4 AprAt 11:22 a.m., the Constitutional Court removes Yoon 8 to 0. The day before, the coalition had delivered about 1 million signatures asking for a unanimous ruling.
9. 3–10 JunLee Jae-myung wins the snap election with 49.42%, on a 79.38% turnout. On 10 June the coalition announces the end of its activities and creates a memory committee.
10. Jan–Apr 2026Yoon is sentenced to 5 years for obstructing his own arrest and other martial-law-related offences (16 Jan); on appeal the sentence rises to 7 years, upheld by the Supreme Court on 9 July. On 19 February, at first instance, he is sentenced to life imprisonment for leading an insurrection; the appeal is before the Seoul High Court. On 4 April the coalition publishes the online archive and the white paper of the 123 days.

Three layers

The full street rested on three layers that held each other up through four months of winter.

• The welcoming streetLight sticks, K-pop requested by the crowd, flags of invented “organizations” such as the National Alliance for Lying at Home, and an open stage with an explicit rule against hate.
• Care from afarPeople who couldn't come paid for coffee and kimbap near the rally, sent food trucks and heated buses and kept maps of food, toilets and shelters. Lawyers and medical teams gave support on site.
• The coalition with a calendarAbout 1,700 organizations, with an operating committee and a situation room, followed the dates of parliament and the court: numbered marches on Saturdays, legal briefs, petitions and, in the final stretch, daily rallies.

South Korea has a living memory of military dictatorship, a highly organized civil society, a K-pop fan culture trained to act together and a dense capital connected by subway. Knowing this helps you choose what to swap in your country.

Platforms

Livestreams (YouTube)

On the night of martial law, the opposition leader streamed his entry into the Assembly from his phone; the live passed 2.75 million views and some of those watching answered the call and went there.

X (formerly Twitter)

The network of young women and fandoms: offers of prepaid food, routes around crowded stations, the emergency call to Namtaeryeong and farmer Kim Hu-ju's video, with 4.8 million views.

Fan communities

Forums and groups created to follow artists were also used to share social injustices, students at Namtaeryeong said. Fandom habits (signs, chants, logistics lists with locations and toilets) moved onto the street.

Light sticks (응원봉)

Each fandom's object, with each group's colour and shape, replaced the candles of 2016. It was personal, lasted all night and signalled that going to the rally was easy and safe.

Collaborative maps

The “시위도 밥먹고” site listed, in real time, cafés and restaurants with food paid for protesters; other maps showed toilets and heated shelters near the rallies.

Prepaying at shops (선결제)

People who couldn't come paid in advance for coffee, kimbap or soup at a place near the rally; artists such as IU and Yuri did the same for their fans. Then came food trucks and heated buses paid for by donations.

KakaoTalk

The near-universal messenger in the country, used by families, colleagues and organizations. The sources read do not document its specific role in coordination; the playbook treats it as the group channel to swap for yours.

Far-right YouTube

The other side organized through YouTube channels and church networks, with claims of election fraud. Knowing this helps you anticipate the backlash.

Local conditions

• Memory of Chun Doo-hwan's dictatorship and the Gwangju massacre (1980): for people over 50, martial law meant troops against civilians.
• A tested repertoire: the 2016–2017 “candlelight revolution” had led to Park Geun-hye's removal, and Girls' Generation's anthem “Into the New World” had already been sung in the streets.
• The Constitution lets the Assembly annul martial law by majority, and impeachment requires 200 of 300 votes. That gave the street concrete targets and dates.
• A president elected on an anti-feminist platform who pledged to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality: young women had reasons of their own to go.
• A gender divide among the young: in the 2025 election, according to the exit poll, 58.1% of women aged 18 to 29 voted for Lee Jae-myung, against 24% of men the same age.
• A harsh winter, with snow and sub-zero temperatures: the logistics of warmth and food mattered as much as the stage.
• A dense, highly connected capital: mobile networks jammed at the 7 December rally, and the subway skipped stations near the Assembly.
• Organized backlash: Yoon supporters held rallies with US flags and, on 19 January 2025, stormed the Seoul Western District Court.

Behind the festive image there were three decisions: be present at the right moment, make the street a place people want to come back to, and tie all the energy to one institutional demand with a date.

Three fronts

Immediate presence

On the first night, speed counted: livestreams, people at the gates and lawmakers who managed to get in. It only works if there are trusted channels before the crisis.

A welcoming street

Music people know, objects they already have at home, humour, hot food and a stage rule against hate. The street has to be safe for people who have never been to a protest, and for minorities.

A demand with a calendar

Resignation, then impeachment, then removal, then election: one demand per phase, aligned with the dates of the Assembly, the Court and the ballot box, with legal briefs and signatures delivered at the right time.

The cycle of a crisis week

From December to April the same cycle repeated, getting shorter as the decision approached.

1. Alert Livestream what is happening, from verified sources, and say where and when to go.
2. Converge One fixed place and time, close to whoever decides, and alternative routes when the subway or the network fails.
3. Welcome Open with songs requested by the crowd, read the anti-discrimination pledge and hand the mic to people who have never spoken.
4. Supply Post the prepaid food, toilets and shelters on the map; call in food trucks and heated buses for long nights.
5. Respond When another group is blocked or attacked, like the farmers at Namtaeryeong, put out an emergency call and send people and warmth.
6. Press the institution Briefs to the court, petitions, statements by lawyers and presence outside the building on decision days.
7. Keep the rhythm A numbered march every Saturday; daily rallies only in the final stretch, so people aren't exhausted too early.
8. Record Keep speeches, photos, flags and accounts, with consent, for memory and for the court cases that come later. And count what happened off-screen (people present, with the method; meals redeemed; signatures delivered; new organizations), not views.

And again.

What you need to respond to a sudden power grab, or to any institutional decision with a date, with a large, peaceful, lasting street presence. Follow the rules on this page.

What works anywhere and what has to be swapped. Pick your country at the top of the toolkit to see the equivalent tools.

Choose your country

Pick the moves that fit your context and add them to your kit. Each one works on its own or combined with moves from other playbooks.

1. First hour at the place where it is decided

   As soon as the abuse begins, a livestream from a verified source says where and when to go, and people arrive peacefully at the building where an institution can still stop it. In Korea, a small group of citizens surrounded an armoured vehicle approaching the National Assembly and the lawmakers who got inside struck down martial law 190 to 0.

   How to set it up, step by step

   Works when

   It works when an institution can still stop the abuse within hours (a vote, a session) and has to be physically gathered to do it.

   Don't use when

   Never use it to storm or block buildings, and know that where troops use lethal force, being on the street can cost lives.

   1. Week −20 Build the list of allied organisations, with one contact for each
   2. Week −20 Test the public call-out channel and the live channel, each with a second account
   3. Week −18 Agree meeting points and an SMS chain for when the mobile network jams
   4. Week −17 On night zero, livestream only from a verified source
   5. Week −17 Call people to the building where the vote happens, with place, time and peace rules
   6. Week −17 Publish the legal hotline and debunk rumours only through the official channel
   7. Week −17 Stay peacefully until the vote, then announce the next gathering straight away

   Team

   • Live voice: streams from the scene and says where and when to go
   • Situation room: tracks parliament and police and confirms every piece of information
   • Legal team: publishes the lawyers’ number and assists anyone detained

   What to measure: People who actually reached the building before the vote, estimated with a stated method (mobile data, aerial photos or an independent count), not livestream views.

   Risks to watch: Rumours about troops send people to the wrong place, and confrontation hands the government its pretext of disorder: confirmed sources only, no storming, legal hotline published from the first minute.

   Add to my kitIn my kit

2. One demand per phase, one fixed Saturday

   A coalition picks one demand per phase (resignation, impeachment, removal, election) tied to the next institutional date, and holds a numbered march on the same day every week; daily rallies only in the final stretch. In Korea there were 18 Saturday marches between December and April and, after Yoon’s release, daily 7pm marches until the 8–0 ruling.

   How to set it up, step by step

   Works when

   It works when the crisis will last weeks or months and there are institutional dates ahead: votes, court hearings, an election.

   Don't use when

   Don’t start with daily rallies: they wear people out too early; and a rhythm without a clear demand or date empties the street.

   1. Week −16 Found the coalition with a diverse co-chair team and a weekly operating committee
   2. Week −16 Choose this phase’s demand and the next institutional date
   3. Week −15 Set the numbered march on the same weekday, with rallies in other cities
   4. Week −14 Hold smaller evening rallies on weekdays, with an open mic
   5. Week −4 In the final stretch, move to daily marches and one national call to a single place
   6. Week −1 Deliver the legal brief and the petition to the institution before it rules
   7. D-day week On decision day, watch together, celebrate without confrontation, announce the next phase

   Team

   • Operating committee: decides dates, demands and spokespeople every week
   • Situation room: follows the parliament and court calendar and calls emergency rallies
   • Rally planning: stage, sound and running order; starts and ends on time

   What to measure: People present at each numbered march, always counted with the same stated method, and signatures delivered to the institution on the set date (in Korea, 45,289 in February and about 1 million in April).

   Risks to watch: Cold, fatigue and disputed numbers empty the street or become a weapon for the other side: save the daily rhythm for the final stretch and always publish the source and method of every count.

   Add to my kitIn my kit

3. Open stage with a pledge against hate

   The rally opens with songs requested by the crowd and objects people already love, and the open mic has a rule read out loud: no discriminatory speech. In Korea, the planning team received about 20,000 song requests and at least one LGBTQ person spoke at every weekday rally.

   How to set it up, step by step

   Works when

   It works when you need people who have never protested to come back, and minorities who only come if the street is safe for them.

   Don't use when

   It fails if the rule stays on paper or the stage shows off young women without giving them a voice: that repeats the paternalism they rejected.

   1. Week −20 Write the anti-discrimination pledge and get the organisations to agree it
   2. Week −16 Open the song-request and speaker sign-up form, with the pledge accepted on submission
   3. Week −16 Ask people to bring their light: the fan object they already have at home
   4. Week −15 Open every rally with the requested songs and read the pledge out loud
   5. Week −15 Give the mic to people who have never spoken, rotating groups and topics
   6. Week −15 Cut the mic when the pledge is broken and hand over to the next speaker

   Team

   • Rally planning: builds the playlist from requests and the running order
   • Open-mic moderation: signs up speakers, reads the pledge and cuts the mic
   • Diverse co-chairs: secure a place for women, LGBTQ people and other groups in the leadership

   What to measure: Different people speaking on stage for the first time, per rally and per group, counted from sign-ups; if it is always the same speakers, the open mic has closed.

   Risks to watch: One hate speaker drives away exactly the people who fill the square: enforce the rule every time, with no exceptions for allies, and treat everyone as fellow citizens, never as “good girls”.

   Add to my kitIn my kit

4. Prepaid food and a map for those who go

   People who can’t attend prepay coffee or meals at shops near the rally, and a public map shows each place’s remaining stock and hours; donations pay for food trucks and heated buses. In Korea, the “시위도 밥먹고” map, with no ads or sponsors, was one of the tools that kept the winter vigils fed.

   How to set it up, step by step

   Works when

   It works for long vigils, in the cold or at night, when many supporters can’t be there in person.

   Don't use when

   It fails if the money passes through one person’s hands, which is hard to account for, or if it all goes to one shop, which gets swamped.

   1. Week −16 Open the warmth-and-food fund in a named account before the vigil nights
   2. Week −16 Publish the map of prepaid shops, toilets and heated shelters
   3. Week −16 Agree with nearby cafés and restaurants a balance paid directly to the shop
   4. Week −15 In every call-out, say how people who can’t come can pay and log it on the map
   5. Week −15 Spread payments across several shops and keep stock and hours updated
   6. Week −15 Bring in food trucks and heated buses for the longest nights
   7. Week −12 Publish the logistics account’s statement

   Team

   • Mappers: keep the map up to date with each shop’s remaining stock and hours
   • Warmth logistics: hire food trucks, heated buses and blankets with the donations
   • Treasury: publishes income, spending and balance of the donations account

   What to measure: Prepaid meals and drinks actually collected by protesters, counted from each shop’s updated stock on the map.

   Risks to watch: Untraceable money breeds distrust: payments go straight to shops, the account is named with a public statement, and you follow your country’s fundraising law.

   Add to my kitIn my kit

5. Peaceful backup for a blocked ally

   When another group facing the same power is blocked or attacked, the network makes an emergency call-out and sends people and warmth. In Korea, police boxed in farmers’ tractors at Namtaeryeong; thousands of young women called via X spent the night with them and, after 28 hours, the road was opened.

   How to set it up, step by step

   Works when

   It works during a long crisis, when allies from other causes get isolated and a call for help can be confirmed on the ground.

   Don't use when

   Never use it to push police lines or force a way through: confrontation swaps the image of a peaceful vigil for disorder and risks injuries.

   1. Week −16 Agree in the situation room who can launch an emergency call-out
   2. Week −15 Track calls for help from other groups and confirm them on the ground
   3. Week −15 Call people out on the public account: place, peace rules, what to bring for the cold
   4. Week −15 Send heated buses, hand warmers and food for those staying the night
   5. Week −15 Stay peacefully, with lawyers on site, until the road is cleared
   6. Week −14 Listen to the supported group’s demands and bring them to the next rally’s stage

   Team

   • Situation room: confirms the call for help and decides on the call-out
   • Warmth logistics: brings heated buses, warmers and food to the site
   • Legal team: observes the police and assists anyone detained

   What to measure: People who reached the blocked site and stayed through the night, plus warmth and food items delivered there, counted by logistics. Views of the alert video don't count.

   Risks to watch: A poorly confirmed call can send people into a trap and confrontation risks arrests: confirm on the ground, keep the peace and have lawyers present.

   Add to my kitIn my kit

In six phases, from preparation to wind-down. In Korea the crisis lasted 123 days until the removal and two more months until the election. Progress is saved in this browser.

The Korean street stayed peaceful, open and above board against a government that claimed to defend order. Deceiving, excluding or hurting would have handed it the argument it wanted.

Peaceful assembly

South Korea, like most democracies, protects the right of assembly; the law requires notification, not permission. Check your country's notification rules and comply.

No violence

No physical confrontation with police or soldiers, no storming buildings, no damage to property.

A stage without hate

A public pledge against discriminatory speech, read at every rally and enforced by moderation.

Verified information

No rumours about troops, deaths or fraud. Correct yourself publicly when you get it wrong.

Transparent donations

Prepayments made directly to shops; donations to the coalition through an identified account with public accounts. Check your country's fundraising law.

Images and data

Ask for consent to photograph and archive; cover the faces of people at risk. The GDPR and Brazil's LGPD also apply to lists of protesters.

Real people only

No fake accounts, bots or invented signatures.

Election period

When the crisis turns into an election, civic organizations may face legal campaign limits. Check the electoral law before asking for votes.

The street doesn't replace institutions

It was 190 lawmakers who annulled martial law, the Court that removed Yoon and judges who convicted him. Where parliament or the courts are captured, the same street may not be enough.

Polarization remains

Yoon supporters held hundreds of rallies, stormed a court and spread fraud claims. In the election, young men voted mostly for the right; the crisis did not reconcile the country.

Social reform was left for later

The coalition also demanded a “great social reform”: an anti-discrimination law, rights for farmers and precarious workers. It ended its activities in June 2025, and the sources read don't show how much of that became law.

Paternalism toward young women

The press celebrated the “good girls” with light sticks; they asked to be treated as fellow citizens.

Fatigue and cold

Four months of winter, vigils in the snow and hunger strikes take a toll. Without warmth logistics and rhythm, the street empties.

Disputed numbers

Police, organizers and mobile data gave very different figures. Always cite source and method, or your opponent picks the number for you.

Not a recipe against every coup

Martial law lasted about six hours, partly because troops did not use lethal force and lawmakers managed to get in. With a different chain of command, presence on the street could have cost lives.

Five questions to confirm the essentials. Each answer comes with an explanation.

This playbook was built from the archive and statements of the Emergency Action coalition, interviews with its co-chairs, and accounts by farmers and protesters, confirmed by Korean and international press, data and analysis published between December 2024 and October 2026.

Updated 26 October 2026