DIYfor change
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Zohran Mamdani smiling, in a suit and tie

New York · 2025

Mamdani

Field really wins campaigns

Gabriella Zutrau, the campaign's digital strategist.

In 2025, a state assembly member who started at around 1% in the polls became mayor of New York City with phone videos and 100,000+ volunteers. Here is how.

A tribute to the more than 100,000 volunteers of Zohran for NYC, to Tascha Van Auken's field team and to NYC-DSA. An independent project with no connection to the campaign, DSA or City Hall.

In 30 seconds

  1. Around 1%. That's where Zohran Mamdani stood in the polls when he launched his run for New York City mayor in October 2024.

  2. 56.4% and 50.78%. He won the June 2025 Democratic primary (final ranked-choice count) and the November election, on the highest turnout since 1993.

  3. 100,000+ volunteers, 3 million doors. Short videos led to a sign-up; the sign-up led to a volunteer-led door-knocking shift.

  4. The loop closed at the doors: what canvassers heard went back into the message, always built around three cost-of-living promises.

  5. Start your field program months ahead, develop leaders rather than just recruit, tie every video to a concrete action, and speak people's language.

First steps

  1. Choose three concrete promises on the cost of living and write each one in a single sentence
  2. Map the organizations that can supply your first field leads
  3. Check with a lawyer the rules on funding, spending caps, personal data and advertising

Try it now Adapt it with the coach

If you're new to this, start with the fundamentals, from the vote goal to what the research says. Read the fundamentals

Who did it

This playbook was built from what the organizers said in interviews, talks, podcasts and their own writing.

This playbook was built from what the organizers said in interviews, talks, podcasts and their own writing. Press coverage was used to confirm facts and figures.

  • Tascha Van Auken

    The campaign's field director; later head of City Hall's Office of Mass Engagement

    Built from scratch, starting in December 2024, the leadership development model that grew to more than 700 field leads and 3 million doors.

    Sources
  • NYC-DSA (Grace Mausser, Gustavo Gordillo, Álvaro López, Michael Carter)

    New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America

    Supplied the first field leads, the neighborhood structure and the working groups that met with the campaign every week.

    Sources
  • Andrew Epstein

    Communications director, then creative director of the campaign

    Came up with the November 2024 video with Trump voters and led the communications that cast Mamdani as a guide to an affordable New York.

    Sources
  • Melted Solids and the video team (Anthony DiMieri, Debbie Saslaw, Donald Borenstein, Olivia Becker)

    Brooklyn production company and the campaign's video team

    Shot and edited the organic videos (sometimes within 24 hours), handheld, with street sound and a 4:3 frame. Melted Solids had worked with Mamdani since 2020; the paid ads came from a different firm, Fight Agency.

    Sources
  • Gabriella Zutrau

    The campaign's digital strategy consultant

    Set up the comment-to-DM chatbot on Instagram that turned comments into sign-ups, for $318.

    Sources
  • Mohamed Alharbii

    Field manager for Muslim and South Asian constituencies

    Organized mosques, temples and cafés with volunteers matched by language and congregation, and described the method at the Progress 2026 conference.

    Sources
  • Katie Riley

    Deputy campaign manager

    Designed the gathering strategy: house parties with host guides, rallies that felt like parties and the scavenger hunt.

    Sources
  • Morris Katz

    The campaign's lead strategist and media strategist (Fight Agency)

    Made the paid TV and digital ads and argued for framing the cost of living around concrete promises and naming those responsible for the crisis.

    Sources

In their own words

Short quotes in the original, or faithful paraphrases.

Short quotes in the original, or faithful paraphrases. Each one links to its source.

6 more quotes

The story

In October 2024, Zohran Mamdani was a 33-year-old state assembly member from Queens, polling at around 1%.

In October 2024, Zohran Mamdani was a 33-year-old state assembly member from Queens, polling at around 1%. In March 2025 a former governor everybody knew entered the race, later backed by super PACs worth millions. The campaign decided the field program would be its backbone, and the videos would bring people into it.

104,000
volunteers over the course of the campaigncampaign figure
3M
doors knocked; the 3 millionth on election daycampaign figure
4.4M
calls made by volunteerscampaign figure
50.78%
in the general election on Nov 4, 2025 (1.11 million votes)official

Thirteen months

  1. Oct 2024Mamdani launches his candidacy. NYC-DSA endorses him the same month.
  2. Nov 2024A few days after Trump's win, he films on avenues in Queens and the Bronx asking Trump voters why they didn't vote for Democrats. The video comes out five days later and sets the theme: the cost of living.
  3. Dec 2024A DSA meeting of more than 300 people trains the first field leads; two weeks later, 400 volunteers turn out for the first day of door-knocking, at about eight sites across the city.
  4. Jan 2025The “Halalflation” video on the price of a halal cart plate; regular volunteer training begins.
  5. Mar 24, 2025With about 18,000 donors, the campaign hits the $8 million primary cap (including public funds) and shifts its focus to mobilizing voters.
  6. Jun 13, 2025On the eve of early voting, Mamdani and Brad Lander announce a ranked-choice cross-endorsement.
  7. Jun 20–21, 2025He walks more than 19 km (12 miles), from Inwood to the Battery, overnight on the last Friday before the primary.
  8. Jun 24, 2025He wins the primary: 43.8% in the first round of the count and 56.4% in the final round. About a quarter of voters had talked to a volunteer at the door.
  9. Aug 24, 2025A citywide scavenger hunt, announced the night before: 500 cards are gone in 15 minutes and the campaign reports more than 4,000 participants.
  10. Nov 4, 2025He wins with 50.78% to Cuomo's 41.32%; 2.2 million people vote. Around noon, the campaign knocks its 3 millionth door.

Three layers

The video was the visible part. Underneath was a conversion machine and a field network that predated the campaign.

  • AttentionShort, organic videos in several languages, content creators, ethnic media, podcasts and events that became content.
  • ConversionA call to action at the end of every video, a DM chatbot, a sign-up page, a CRM with automatic confirmations and reminders, a broadcast channel and email.
  • FieldVolunteer-led shift launches, pairs with the voter file app, organizing by community and language, calls and texts to volunteers' own contacts.
What isn't known. Almost all the numbers come from the campaign itself and vary by source: 95,000, 100,000 or 104,000 volunteers; 4.4 or 4.5 million calls; the 236 million Instagram views in the last month of the primary were reported by POLITICO and repeated by others.

No published study isolates the effect of door-knocking or of the videos on the result, and the video team itself says the videos alone didn't win the primary. NYC-DSA spent years building the base the campaign started from. A meta-analysis of 49 US field experiments found that the persuasive effect of campaign contact in general elections is, on average, close to zero; it shows up only when the other candidate holds very unpopular positions and the campaign identifies persuadable voters in advance, or when contact comes very early, and then it fades (Kalla and Broockman). In a primary, and for getting people to vote, the math is different. Still without an open source: the 2025 calling, texting and relational tools, the donation platform used in 2025, internal polling, data dashboards and the cost of each tool other than the chatbot. Nor is there any record of Slack, Discord or Mobilize in the campaign.

The terrain

New York rules and habits that shaped the method.

New York rules and habits that shaped the method. Some of these pieces don't exist elsewhere.

Platforms

Instagram (Reels, DMs, broadcast channel)
The priority platform. Reels delivered reach, automated DMs converted and the broadcast channel gathered the warmest audience: 66,000 members during the primary, more than 180,000 afterward.
TikTok, YouTube, X and Bluesky
They got the same videos. The scavenger hunt was announced on Bluesky, and people heard about it through Instagram and TikTok.
Facebook
Not a priority, but simply reposting the videos there grew engagement, according to Gabriella Zutrau.
WhatsApp
Groups to coordinate each shift in real time. In immigrant communities, messages of support circulated in Urdu, Bengali, Arabic, Hindi and dozens of other languages.
MiniVAN
A door-knocking app tied to the US voter file, which is public and includes name, age and party registration, grouped by building.
Ethnic and in-language media
South Asian TV, a Pakistani channel, Punjabi TV and Bengali newspapers. A simple message about rent and buses translated well into any language.
Content creators and podcasts
More than 70 creators, mostly in culture and lifestyle, were invited to headquarters for open, unscripted Q&As.
TV ads
The campaign also bought television: its first broadcast TV ad, against Cuomo, aired on April 24, 2025. According to AdImpact, it spent $6.3 million on ads in the primary and $5.8 million in the general, made by Fight Agency. Organic video came before paid media, not instead of it.

Local conditions

  • Ranked-choice voting in the Democratic primary: voters rank up to five names. Being someone's second choice is worth votes.
  • A closed primary: only registered Democrats can vote, with a registration deadline. The campaign made videos just to remind people of that deadline.
  • Public financing: the city pays $8 for every dollar donated by New York City residents, on the first $250 of each donation, with an $8 million spending cap in the primary.
  • Super PACs with no limits on the other side: the Fix the City committee spent nearly $23 million for Cuomo in the primary alone.
  • A dense city of apartment buildings and public transit: you can knock dozens of doors an hour and reach any neighborhood by subway.
  • More than 800 languages spoken and about 35% of residents born outside the US.
  • A DSA chapter with almost a decade of electoral machinery, about 5,900 members in October 2024 and battle-tested leaders.
  • Hostile mainstream press and tabloids, attacks over religion and origin, and a Democratic establishment slow to endorse.
  • In the 2024 election, immigrant neighborhoods had swung right (like Jamaica Hills, in Queens, by almost 25 points) or left the presidential ballot blank (Pakistani and Bengali neighborhoods in Brooklyn).

The method

DSA's Michael Carter summed up the golden rule: everything in the campaign exists to serve the field.

DSA's Michael Carter summed up the golden rule: everything in the campaign exists to serve the field. Video fills the funnel; the field converts and develops leaders; what's heard at the door flows back into the message.

Three fronts

One message, three promises
The cost of living, always said the same way: freeze the rent on rent-stabilized apartments, fast and free buses, universal childcare. Concrete promises, with those responsible for the crisis named.
Video that invites
The candidate as the guide to a city he loves: on the street, listening first, with humor and in each neighborhood's language. Every video ends with an invitation to act.
A field program that develops leaders
Start early, put volunteers in charge of shifts and always promote whoever wants to do more. People who arrive as canvassers leave as field leads.

The cycle of a volunteer

The path from someone watching a video to leading a shift, repeated at scale over a year.

  1. Listen At the door and on the street, ask what's worrying people. The conversation script is revised with feedback from those knocking doors.
  2. Film Turn what you heard into a short, fast video with a concrete problem and an invitation at the end.
  3. Capture Anyone who comments a keyword gets the sign-up link by DM; name, email and ZIP code go into the database. In practice: ManyChat on Instagram and Facebook, with tags so nobody gets the same message twice and the email asked for inside the chat.
  4. Confirm The CRM sends an email, a text and a calendar invite. Fewer no-shows, and leaders are freed up for in-person work. In the campaign, that was Solidarity Tech, linked to the shift page with its map.
  5. Launch At a meeting point, a field lead welcomes the volunteers, forms pairs (newcomer with veteran) and hands out the turf. The shift is coordinated in a WhatsApp group.
  6. Talk and rate Every conversation is logged on a 1-to-5 scale, adapted for ranked-choice voting (2A and 2B). In the final stretch, only 1s and 2s are recontacted. Persuasion targets undecided voters who turn out; mobilization targets supporters who might stay home. It is logged in MiniVAN, and that data decides who is recontacted.
  7. Promote Leads flag the people who keep coming back and want to do more. They become field leads and the cycle grows.
  8. Feed back What works at the doors goes back into the message and the videos. The campaign learns fast what resonates.

And again.

Toolkit

Who you need, which tools to use and how to film and write, within the rules on this page.

Who you need, which tools to use and how to film and write, within the rules on this page.

Choose your country to see the equivalent tools and the legal points to check.

Operations

In December 2024, Tascha Van Auken was the field team's only staffer and materials were packed in her apartment. Scale came from a volunteer leadership ladder.

Team and leadership ladder

Field director
Designs the model, the phases and the targets (the first was 1 million doors) and protects volunteers' time.
Field coordinators
Manage the field leads, shift schedules and materials by region.
Field leads
Volunteers who train newcomers, open the shift and solve problems on the street. There were more than 400 in the primary and more than 700 by the end; by the end of the primary, about 80% no longer came from DSA.
Canvassers
Volunteers in pairs who knock doors and make calls. They can come for a single shift or climb the ladder.
Paid multilingual canvassers
Between 40 and 50 people hired for hard-to-reach neighborhoods and languages few volunteers spoke.
Community organizing
Leads for specific constituencies (like Muslim and South Asian voters) who match volunteers with congregations and languages.
Video team and creative direction
A creative director and a small production company. The initial contract was for two videos a month; in the last month of the primary, it was as many as humanly possible.
Digital strategy
Chatbot, broadcast channel, email and a creator program, all connected to the volunteer base.
Gatherings and events
House parties with a host guide, shift launches, rallies and citywide actions with a defined goal.

Rhythm and phases

  1. Every weekDSA's co-chairs met with the candidate and the campaign manager; DSA's field, finance and communications groups met with their counterparts on the campaign.
  2. December to JanuaryBuild the model and the leadership: first shifts, first leads, first script.
  3. Just over a monthPetitioning to get on the ballot, mostly on the street.
  4. Then, nonstopPersuasion: reach new voters and identify supporters. According to Van Auken, persuasion never ended.
  5. Final weeksGet-out-the-vote on top of persuasion, because of early voting. Only the 1s and 2s on the scale are recontacted.
  6. May and June: ranked-choice votingTeaching people how to rank became part of the work: the scale split 2A from 2B; on May 30 the Working Families Party released a five-name slate and asked voters to leave Cuomo off; on June 13, the eve of early voting, Mamdani and Lander announced a cross-endorsement. During early voting and on primary day, volunteers with literature stood outside poll sites, more than 100 feet from the entrance.
  7. July to November: general electionThe same field model carried on against Cuomo, now running as an independent: about 60 canvasses in a single night in the final stretch, municipal unions adding their own crews, prime-time TV and the fundraising cap reached on September 5.

The sources don't describe a fixed daily schedule. What's known is the scale: in the final stretch, the campaign launched about 60 shifts in a single night, and in total there were more than 5,700 shifts in 243 neighborhoods.

Plan B

  • A leadership base that doesn't depend on a single organization: by the end, most leads came from outside DSA.
  • Your own list of volunteers and supporters, gathered with consent, in a CRM the campaign controls.
  • Direct channels beyond the algorithm: broadcast channel, email and text.
  • Printed materials in eight languages for when phones don't reach people.
  • Paid canvassers for the neighborhoods and languages the volunteer network doesn't cover.
  • A plan for the list after the election, with governance and goals set before election day.

Technology

Cheap or free tools, wired into one line: video with a keyword → ManyChat DM → sign-up page → Solidarity Tech (confirmation, text and calendar invite) → shift with a field lead → MiniVAN at the door → data back for recontact and for the message. The expensive parts were people's time, TV and, in the US, access to the voter file.

  • Short video (Reels, TikTok, YouTube, X)Simple gear; production company fees not disclosed

    Handheld camera (the team started with a Panasonic GH5), ambient street sound, a 4:3 frame that works both horizontally and vertically. Sometimes idea, shoot and edit within 24 hours. Made by Melted Solids, contracted for two videos a month, and by an in-house video team. Every video ended with a keyword or a link: the next step in the funnel.

  • Comment-to-DM chatbot (ManyChat)$318 over about two months

    Built in April 2025 by Gabriella Zutrau: three comment-to-DM flows, one auto-reply to DMs and another to people who tagged the account in their stories. Keywords such as FREEZE, CanvassNow, vote or Bronx sent the link to canvass, phone bank, donate or register to vote. Tags and conditions stopped repeat messages, and anyone whose email wasn't on file was routed to a flow that asked for it inside the chat. By July: more than 77,000 messages, 20,000 clicks, a 76% click rate on keywords and, by what she calls a conservative estimate, more than 10,000 people added to the list; from May to November, more than 144,000 messages.

  • Instagram broadcast channelFree

    One-to-many for the most engaged audience, outside the feed: 66,000 members during the primary, more than 180,000 afterward. Zutrau took it on along with email; it carried updates and calls to action to people already close to the campaign.

  • Volunteer CRM (Solidarity Tech)Not disclosed

    The sign-up page writes the data into Solidarity Tech, which on its own sends the confirmation email, the reminder text and the shift's calendar invite. That took manual reminder texts and calls off the leads. Built to organize rideshare drivers; the campaign, the first major US race to use it, kept the funnel and reminders and did not use its relational features.

  • Volunteer page with an event mapDomain and hosting

    Shows shifts across the city and signs people up in a few clicks; automatic reminders and friend referrals are tracked. The forms asked about availability with each audience in mind, such as Friday afternoons around mosque prayers.

  • Door-knocking app (MiniVAN)Access through the party or partners; cost not disclosed

    Receives the target list drawn from the voter file, grouped by building, with name, age and party; in the primary, registered Democrats. Each pair took a stretch of about two blocks, 60 to 75 doors. Logs not home, moved, deceased and the 1-to-5 scale with 2A and 2B; that data decides who is recontacted in the final stretch.

  • Relational textingVaries

    Each volunteer texts their own contacts to confirm they have a plan to vote. Open sources don't say which app was used in 2025; in Mamdani's 2020 state Assembly race it was REACH.

  • WhatsApp groupsFree

    One group per shift or neighborhood to solve problems in real time; separate chat groups by community or mosque for people organizing in those spaces.

  • QR codes on volunteers' clipboardsFree

    They take voters to the candidacy’s endorsements and later helped map engagement.

  • Small-donation pageCost not disclosed

    Donations from residents multiplied 8 to 1 by public funds, up to the first $250 of each; early on, even asked for at the door. It stopped once the cap was reached: on March 24, 2025 in the primary and on September 5 in the general. On May 18, no longer able to raise, Mamdani posted a video asking for donations to Adrienne Adams, also running against Cuomo, on the eve of her matching-funds deadline.

  • Email (Mailchimp)Not disclosed

    Emails typed into the chatbot conversation went to Mailchimp: more than 3,000 in a few weeks. Email reminded people of shifts and, in the last days, sent short, urgent subject lines such as “ONE LAST PUSH” to drive one more shift and the vote.

  • Texts and callsNot disclosed

    More than 1 million texts by the final stretch and more than 4.4 million calls made by volunteers; DSA's youth wing ran a phone- and text-bank push for the final get-out-the-vote. Open sources don't name the tools used.

  • TV and paid digital ads (Fight Agency)$6.3M in the primary and $5.8M in the general (AdImpact)

    Morris Katz of Fight Agency led media strategy and made the ads: in the general, spots that riffed on TV shows, aired in prime time, during Knicks games and also on Fox News. Media buying went through a Los Angeles firm that had received more than $3 million by July 2025 for TV, production and digital. The ads repeated the videos' message: cost of living.

  • Public matching funds (Campaign Finance Board)$7.05M + $5.74M in public money

    Each dollar given by a New York City resident brings 8 public dollars, up to the first $250. The board pays in instalments after each filing, and every donation needs complete donor data: Cuomo missed his first payment over a field his software failed to collect. Mamdani received $7.05 million in the primary and $5.74 million in the general by October 30, 2025; in exchange he accepted an $8 million spending cap in each phase.

  • Creator triage in the chatbotIncluded in ManyChat

    The chatbot sorted conversations by follower count, verification and tags. Accounts with more than 25,000 followers got a creator form (contact, agent, audience and niche). The campaign invited creators to open, unscripted briefings, such as the one with more than 70 creators at headquarters.

  • NYC-DSA district dossiersVolunteer work

    Before choosing where to knock, the DSA chapter kept dossiers by district with electoral history, union density and DSA membership in the area, and worked out the number of votes needed to win, in the six digits.

Channel cheat sheets

Shift log columns

Date and time · Neighborhood / streets · Field lead · Volunteers (new / returning) · Doors knocked · Conversations · Scale: 1 / 2A / 2B / 3 / 4 / 5 · Signed up as volunteers at the door · Language of conversations · What we heard (for the script and the videos) · Potential leads

The campaign did not disclose what each tool cost. In the primary, all spending was capped at $8 million, public funds included; in the general, another $8 million cap. Most of it went to ads: $6.3 million in the primary and $5.8 million in the general, according to AdImpact. The chatbot cost $318. To start small, all you need is a phone, a spreadsheet, a consent form and messaging groups.

Communication

The tone is that of a guide in love with the city: joyful, curious, concrete, with humor even under attack. The message never changes; the format changes all the time.

The formula for a video

  1. A real place A street corner, a bus, a food cart. The city is the set.
  2. People speak first Ask and listen. In the video with Trump voters, the candidate barely spoke.
  3. A problem you can touch The price of a street food plate, the slow bus, the rent. With numbers.
  4. Who's responsible Name the cause: bureaucracy, speculation, price gouging. Without attacking the voter.
  5. The promise One of the three, always in the same words.
  6. The neighborhood's language Record or subtitle in the language of the people you want to reach, mixing in the common language the way people actually do.
  7. The invitation One easy action: comment a word, sign up for a shift, register to vote.

Production rules

  • One simple, repeatable message; change the format, not the message.
  • Speed beats polish: shoot today, post tomorrow.
  • Test new formats instead of repeating what already worked.
  • Keep the street sound; authenticity comes through in the audio.
  • Beware of too much “walking and talking”: walking and talking with nothing happening is a sign of a weak video, according to Anthony DiMieri.
  • Answer attacks with humor and your own agenda, not with rebuttal statements.
  • Content creators get access and information, not a script.
  • Every video leads to an action off the screen.
  • Show the volunteers: the May 2025 video featured 30 volunteers and almost none of the candidate.

Example

[Filmed at a bus stop, with traffic noise] Candidate: How long do you wait for this bus every day? Rider: Forty minutes. And the fare went up again. Candidate: Fast and free buses: that's what we're going to do. If you agree, comment BUS and I'll send you the link to knock doors in your neighborhood this Saturday.

Take it to your context

Part of the method works anywhere.

Part of the method works anywhere. Another part depended on New York's laws and habits. Here's what to swap out.

Works anywhere

  • Start your field program months before you need it, and measure how many leaders you develop, not just how many sign-ups you have.
  • A message about people's real lives, with a few promises that are easy to repeat in any language.
  • Short, authentic videos that always end with an invitation to act.
  • Automate the repetitive work (confirmations, reminders) so leaders are left with the human work.
  • Newcomer-and-veteran pairs, and a script revised with feedback from people on the street.
  • Organize by community and language, with repeated presence and respect for each space's rules.
  • Events with a clear purpose, joyful and open to families.
  • Plan before the election what happens to the network after it.

Depends on context

A public voter file with party registration (MiniVAN)
In the US, each shift's list comes from the voter file matched with support and turnout scores: you knock on chosen doors, not every door. In the European Union and Brazil there's no party-annotated voter list available to campaigns, and political opinion is sensitive data. Replace it with door-knocking by street and polling district, your own lists built with consent, and minimal logging, deleted after the campaign.
Ranked-choice voting and cross-endorsement
In two-round systems, the equivalent is negotiating runoff support early. In proportional list systems, the 2A/2B scale shows who likes the candidate but votes for another party.
8-to-1 public matching funds
Where there's no public matching, use crowdfunding within legal limits. The lesson still holds: many small donations are worth more than a few big ones, and hitting the cap is a message too.
Instagram as the main platform
Where WhatsApp dominates (Brazil, India, parts of Africa), the funnel ends in a WhatsApp channel or community; where TikTok rules, start there. The principle is the same: from video to a direct conversation.
A ready-made DSA chapter
Few campaigns have an organization with a decade of electoral machinery. Look for the equivalent: unions, tenant and residents' associations, student groups, party branches. If there isn't one, start a year earlier.
A dense city of apartment buildings
In sprawling cities or gated communities, swap some of the doors for stalls at markets, outside schools and places of worship, and for calls and texts to people's own contacts.
Content creators
In Brazil and other countries it's illegal to pay influencers for election advertising. Give access and information, without a script, as the campaign did with more than 70 creators, and never pay where the law prohibits it.
More than 800 languages
Map your base's languages: regional languages, sign languages, migrant community languages. Recruit volunteers who speak them before you translate leaflets.

Moves to take with you

Pick the moves that fit your context and add them to your kit.

Pick the moves that fit your context and add them to your kit. Each one works on its own or combined with moves from other playbooks.

  1. Street video that ends in an invitation

    Short, organic videos on a real street, where people speak first, about a concrete problem, with an invitation to act at the end. In New York, the video with Trump voters on avenues in Queens and the Bronx set the cost-of-living theme, and every video ended with an ask that led to a sign-up.

    How to set it up, step by step
    Works when
    When there is a simple message about everyday life and someone willing to go out and listen, with humor and in each neighborhood's language.
    Don't use when
    When the video is the whole plan: the video team itself says videos alone didn't win the primary. Without a field operation to welcome people, the attention fades.
    1. Week −32 Pick a few promises and always phrase them with the same words
    2. Week −30 Film on a real corner, bus or food stall and let people speak first
    3. Week −30 End every video with one action: comment a keyword or join a shift
    4. Week −28 Film or subtitle in the language of the neighborhood you want to reach
    5. Week −20 Publish fast: film today, post tomorrow, keep the street sound
    6. Week −12 Show the volunteers in the video, not just the candidate
    7. Week −2 In the final stretch, use the videos to get people voting and on a last shift

    Team

    • Creative direction: idea, filming and editing, sometimes within 24 hours
    • Candidate or spokesperson: asks, listens and makes the invitation
    • Field feedback: brings what's heard at the doors into the video agenda

    What to measure: Shift sign-ups coming from each video, measured by its keyword or its own link, not views; if a widely seen video brings no sign-ups, change the ask.

    Risks to watch: No fake profiles or fabricated comments to inflate a video, and no paid influencers where the law forbids it: give access and information, no script, and label anything made with AI.

  2. From keyword to automatic confirmation

    Anyone who comments a keyword gets the sign-up link by direct message; the CRM sends a confirmation, a text and a calendar invite, freeing leaders for in-person work. In New York, the chatbot pilot cost $318 and brought in about 10,000 contacts in two months.

    How to set it up, step by step
    Works when
    When the videos already bring in more interested people than the team can answer by hand.
    Don't use when
    When the idea is to message people who didn't ask: the campaign's chatbot only replied to people who wrote first. Bought lists and mass blasts, never.
    1. Week −30 Pick one keyword per topic, each with its own sign-up link
    2. Week −30 Build the page with a map of shifts and a short form with consent
    3. Week −29 Set the auto-reply to answer only people who commented or wrote first
    4. Week −28 Connect sign-ups to the CRM: confirmation, text and calendar invite
    5. Week −24 Open a broadcast channel and an email list for people who want to follow closely
    6. Week −20 Review the automated messages so they don't sound robotic

    Team

    • Digital strategy: keywords, chatbot and broadcast channel
    • Data: CRM, consent and restricted access to the list
    • Events: keeps the shift map up to date

    What to measure: Sign-ups who actually show up to the shift they booked, as a share of sign-ups; if many don't turn up, strengthen reminders and personal confirmation, not the number of posts.

    Risks to watch: A list is personal data and, combined with political opinion, sensitive data: explicit consent, restricted access, an opt-out in every message and a deadline for deletion.

  3. Volunteer-led shifts, in pairs

    At a meeting point, a volunteer field lead welcomes people, forms pairs (newcomer with veteran), hands out the turf and logs every conversation on a 1-to-5 scale. In New York there were more than 5,700 shifts in 243 neighborhoods, and about a quarter of primary voters had talked to a volunteer at the door.

    How to set it up, step by step
    Works when
    When the vote is months away and there is a base that can go out regularly.
    Don't use when
    When you copy the US voter file: the EU and Brazil have no party voter lists. Use streets and polling districts, your own consented lists and minimal records.
    1. Week −28 Set meeting points by neighborhood and a field lead for each shift
    2. Week −28 Write the script: first ask what worries people, then the promises
    3. Week −26 At the meeting point, pair newcomers with veterans and hand out the turf
    4. Week −26 Log every conversation on the 1-to-5 scale, plus what you heard
    5. Week −20 Revise the script with feedback from those who knocked on doors
    6. Week −2 In the final stretch, recontact only 1s and 2s and confirm their plan to vote
    7. D-day week On the day, get-out-the-vote shifts until the polls close

    Team

    • Field lead: opens the shift, forms pairs and solves problems on the street
    • Canvassers: knock doors in pairs and log the conversations
    • Field coordination: schedules, materials and turf maps by area

    What to measure: Conversations logged per pair and per shift and, in the final stretch, recontacted people who confirm a plan to vote; a door knocked without a conversation doesn't count as progress.

    Risks to watch: A recorded political opinion is sensitive data: a legal basis, restricted access and a deletion deadline; at the door, no arguing or pushing, and respect people who don't want to talk.

  4. Leadership ladder: those who return, lead

    Leads point out who keeps coming back and wants to do more; those people get trained and start running their own shifts. In New York, the field team started with a single person in December 2024 and grew to more than 700 volunteer field leads; by the end of the primary, about 80% no longer came from the DSA.

    How to set it up, step by step
    Works when
    When the network grows faster than the paid staff and needs people who can run shifts without them.
    Don't use when
    When you only count sign-ups: without training leaders, shifts depend on a handful of people and the network vanishes after the election.
    1. Week −30 Start early: a training meeting for the first field leads
    2. Week −28 Hold the first door-knocking day at several points across the city
    3. Week −26 Flag in the shift log who comes back and who wants to do more
    4. Week −24 Invite those people to field lead training
    5. Week −22 Give each new lead their own shift, with a coordinator for support
    6. Week −8 Place leads in every community and language the network covers
    7. Week −4 Decide before the vote what the network does afterwards: governance and goals

    Team

    • Field director: designs the ladder and targets and protects volunteers' time
    • Field coordinators: support new leads by area
    • Field leads: spot who to promote and train newcomers

    What to measure: New leads who have run at least one shift on their own, counted monthly; if the number stalls, the network is burning through volunteers instead of growing them.

    Risks to watch: Burnout and dependence on a single organization: protect volunteers' time, open the ladder to outsiders and plan the network for afterwards. In New York, the group that inherited the list lost almost all its staff in April 2026.

  5. Organize by community and by language

    People in charge of specific communities match volunteers with congregations, neighborhoods and languages, with translated materials and repeated presence in the same places. In New York, the campaign printed materials in eight languages, hired 40 to 50 multilingual canvassers for hard-to-reach neighborhoods and gave volunteers a conduct guide for mosques.

    How to set it up, step by step
    Works when
    When your base includes migrant communities or speakers of other languages that mainstream media doesn't reach.
    Don't use when
    When it's a flying visit or a translated leaflet with no one from the community: recruit speakers of the language before translating.
    1. Week −26 Map the languages and communities in your base, neighborhood by neighborhood
    2. Week −24 Name a lead for each community and recruit volunteers who speak the language
    3. Week −22 Translate materials and the script with those volunteers, not just translators
    4. Week −20 Write a one-page conduct guide for places of worship and community spaces
    5. Week −16 Create groups by community and keep returning to the same places
    6. Week −8 Cover with paid speakers the neighborhoods and languages volunteers can't reach
    7. Week −1 Bring the reminder to vote in every language, in the same spaces

    Team

    • Community organizing: matches volunteers with congregations and languages
    • Multilingual volunteers: talk at the doors and adapt the script
    • Ethnic media: takes the message to each community's TV, radio and papers

    What to measure: Conversations held in each language by volunteers from that community, logged per shift; if a language in your base has no conversations, you need to recruit, not translate.

    Risks to watch: Treating communities as targets rather than partners drives people away: follow each space's rules, avoid arguments, and don't record religion or origin without a legal basis.

Practice

Rehearse with the case's missions and situations.

Decide like the field director

Six moments from the 2024–2025 campaign. Choose what you'd do and see what happened.

12-month plan

The campaign's sequence, from October 2024 to November 2025, laid out as a checklist.

The campaign's sequence, from October 2024 to November 2025, laid out as a checklist. Shorten the phases if you have less time, but don't skip the first one. Your progress is saved in this browser.

  1. Before you announce

  2. Months 1–2: Build the base

  3. Months 3–5: Signatures and money

  4. Months 6–9: Mass persuasion

  5. Final three weeks: Get out the vote

  6. After the election

Rules

The method rests on people talking to people.

The method rests on people talking to people. Shortcuts that fake this, or use data without permission, destroy trust and hand your opponent weapons.

Real people only
No fake accounts, bots, bought accounts or fabricated comments to inflate a video. Coordinating real people to say what they think is allowed; what platforms punish is organizing likes, follows or hashtags to game the algorithm. X, for example, bans trading engagement and using a trending hashtag to manipulate the conversation.
Consent for messages
Only message people who asked. The campaign's chatbot only replied to people who had written first; no bought lists, no mass blasts.
Relational messages are personal
Each volunteer talks to their own contacts, in their own words, and stops when the person asks.
Political opinion is sensitive data
The 1-to-5 scale records political opinions. In the European Union (GDPR) and Brazil (LGPD) that requires a legal basis, security, restricted access and a deletion deadline.
Money in the open
Respect spending caps and donation limits, disclose everything and don't coordinate with outside committees where the law prohibits it.
Transparency with creators
Don't pay influencers where the law prohibits it. Where it's allowed, paid partnerships must be disclosed.
Archive official communications
Once you're in government, you have to follow records rules. Groups with disappearing messages became a problem for City Hall in 2026.
Respect at the door and in places of worship
No arguments, no pushing, and follow each space's rules. The campaign gave volunteers a one-page guide on conduct in mosques.
Label AI
AI-generated content is labeled as such. Deepfakes, never.
Safety for door knockers
Volunteers and candidates from religious minorities or immigrant backgrounds are targets of harassment and threats: work in pairs, with a contact person, an incident protocol and a log of every case.
Local law
Every country has its own rules on door-knocking, data, donations and advertising. In the European Union, since October 2025 Meta has not accepted political, electoral or social-issue ads, and Google has stopped serving political ads as the regulation defines them. Regulation (EU) 2024/900, which also covers local elections, requires labels and transparency notices on paid political ads and allows targeting only with explicit consent and without sensitive data. Check with a lawyer before you start. See the “Law and platforms in the European Union” section in Fundamentals.

Limits

What this method doesn't do, and when it fails.
It isn't built in six months
The campaign started from an organization with almost a decade of electoral experience. Without that base, start earlier and with smaller targets.
Video alone doesn't win
The video team itself says the videos didn't win the primary on their own. Zutrau puts it simply: social media only worked so well because the field was so good.
It depends heavily on the candidate
Charisma, several languages, willingness to walk the whole city and trust in the creative team.
Attention is unstable
Algorithms change and reward drama. Governing and mobilizing over the long term require other rhythms, and the traditional media, which the campaign still needed.
Keeping the network is harder than building it
The organization that inherited the volunteer list lost almost all its staff in April 2026, and a rally in Albany drew far fewer people than expected.
Automation has a cost
Chatbots can sound robotic and wear people out. And events with limited spots, like the scavenger hunt, left people out.
In government, the risk of opacity
As mayor, his relationship with more than 1,200 creators, through Signal groups and with payments via city agencies, was criticized for a lack of transparency. What's legitimate in a campaign needs different rules in power.
The campaign's own numbers
Volunteers, doors and views are internal figures that vary by source and were never audited.
Organic did not replace paid
The phone-video story leaves out that most of the money went to ads: $6.3 million in the primary, which had an $8 million cap (AdImpact). Outside the campaign, an independent committee spent $1.7 million on TV and digital for Mamdani, and the law bars coordinating with it. Organic alone is half the model.

Check yourself

Five questions, each explained after you answer.

Five questions, each explained after you answer.

1. When did the field operation for the June 2025 primary begin?
2. What was the split between 2A and 2B on the support scale for?
3. What was the main job of the comment-to-DM chatbot?
4. By the end of the primary, where did most field leads come from?
5. Which of these lessons does the post-election experience of 2026 reinforce?

Go further

Free materials from organizations that train organizers, linked to this case.

Free materials from organizations that train organizers, linked to this case.

  • Public Narrative

    Course · Resistance School · EN

    Marshall Ganz's 15 video lessons on public narrative (story of self, us and now), with a worked example and coaching techniques. Use it to train spokespeople and volunteers.

  • Steps in a One-on-One Organizing Conversation

    Guide · Training for Change · EN

    Step-by-step outline of the one-on-one organizing conversation: inviting someone in, uncovering motivations and making a concrete ask. Use it to train volunteers.

  • Doorstep meets digital — how Mamdani’s campaign ticked all the boxes for success

    Case study · European Center for Digital Action · 2026-01 · EN

    How Zohran Mamdani's New York campaign combined mass door-knocking with organic video. A case study for anyone integrating street and social.

3 more

Library

Sources

This playbook was built from interviews, talks and writing by the people who organized the campaign, published between July 2025 and…

This playbook was built from interviews, talks and writing by the people who organized the campaign, published between July 2025 and September 2026, checked against news reports and election data. Pages accessed on October 26, 2026. Some interviews are behind a paywall; in those cases, only the open portion was used.

66 sources

Who did it

Data

Press

Analysis

Image: Dmitryshein, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons (adapted)

Updated 26 October 2026

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